tonytins/citylimits
1
0
Fork 0
mirror of https://github.com/tonytins/citylimits.git synced 2025-03-16 04:41:24 +00:00
Code Issues Projects Releases Packages Wiki Activity Actions
citylimits/docs/history.html

698 lines
37 KiB
HTML
Raw Permalink Normal View History

Initial source commit
2024-05-03 22:50:34 -04:00
<html>
<head>
<title>History Of Cities And City Planning</title>
</head>
<body>
<h1>History Of Cities And City Planning</h1>
<h1>By Cliff Ellis</h1>
<h2>Introduction</h2>
The building of cities has a long and complex history. Although city
planning as an organized profession has existed for less than a
century, all cities display various degrees of forethought and
conscious design in their layout and functioning. <p>
Early humans led a nomadic existence, relying on hunting and gathering
for sustenance. Between 8,000 and 10,000 years ago, systematic
cultivation of plants and the domestication of animals allowed for
more permanent settlements. During the fourth millennium B.C., the
requirements for the "urban revolution" were finally met: the
production of a surplus of storable food, a system of writing, a more
complex social organization, and technological advances such as the
plough, potter's wheel, loom, and metallurgy.
<p>
Cities exist for many reasons, and the diversity of urban forms can be
traced to the complex functions that cities perform. Cities serve as
centers of storage, trade, and manufacture. The agricultural surplus
from the surrounding countryside is processed and distributed in
cities. Cities also grew up around marketplaces, where goods from
distant places could be exchanged for local products. Throughout
history, cities have been founded at the intersections of
transportation routes, or at points where goods must shift from one
mode of transportation to another, as at river and ocean ports.
<p>
Religious elements have been crucial throughout urban history. Ancient
peoples had sacred places, often associated with cemeteries or
shrines, around which cities grew. Ancient cities usually had large
temple precincts with monumental religious buildings. Many medieval
cities were built near monasteries and cathedrals.
<p>
Cities often provide protection in a precarious world. During attacks,
the rural populace could flee behind city walls, where defence forces
assembled to repel the enemy. The wall served this purpose for
millennia, until the invention of heavy artillery rendered walls
useless in warfare. With the advent of modern aerial warfare, cities
have become prime targets for destruction rather than safe havens.
<p>
Cities serve as centers of government. In particular, the emergence of
the great nation-states of Europe between 1400 and 1800 led to the
creation of new capital cities or the investing of existing cities
with expanded governmental functions.
<p>
Washington, D.C., for example, displays the monumental buildings,
radial street pattern, and large public spaces typical of capital
cities.
<p>
Cities, with their concentration of talent, mixture of peoples, and
economic surplus, have provided a fertile ground for the evolution of
human culture: the arts, scientific research, and technical
innovation. They serve as centers of communication, where new ideas
and information are spread to the surrounding territory and to foreign
lands.
<p>
<h2>Constraints on City Form</h2>
Cities are physical artifacts inserted into a preexisting natural
world, and natural constraints must be respected if a settlement is to
survive and prosper. Cities must conform to the landscape in which
they are located, although technologies have gradually been developed
to reorganize the land to suit human purposes. Moderately sloping land
provides the best urban site, but spectacular effects have been
achieved on hilly sites such as San Francisco, Rio de Janeiro, and
Athens. <p>
Climate influences city form. For example, streets have been aligned
to take advantage of cooling breezes, and arcades designed to shield
pedestrians from sun and rain. The architecture of individual
buildings often reflects adaptations to temperature, rainfall, snow,
wind and other climatic characteristics.
<p>
Cities must have a healthy water supply, and locations along rivers
and streams, or near underground watercourses, have always been
favored. Many large modern cities have outgrown their local water
supplies and rely upon distant water sources diverted by elaborate
systems of pipes and canals.
<p>
City location and internal structure have been profoundly influenced
by natural transportation routes. Cities have often been sited near
natural harbors, on navigable rivers, or along land routes determined
by regional topography.
<p>
Finally, cities have had to survive periodic natural disasters such as
earthquakes, hurricanes, tornados, and floods. The San Francisco
earthquake of 1906 demonstrated how natural forces can undo decades of
human labor in a very short time.
<p>
<h2>Elements of Urban Structure</h2>
City planners must weave a complex, ever-changing array of elements
into a working whole: that is the perennial challenge of city
planning. The physical elements of the city can be divided into three
categories: networks, buildings, and open spaces. Many alternative
arrangements of these components have been tried throughout history,
but no ideal city form has ever been agreed upon. Lively debates about
the best way to arrange urban anatomies continue to rage, and show no
signs of abating. <p>
<h3>Networks</h3>
Every modern city contains an amazing array of pathways to carry flows
of people, goods, water, energy, and information. Transportation
networks are the largest and most visible of these. Ancient cities
relied on streets, most of them quite narrow by modern standards, to
carry foot traffic and carts. The modern city contains a complex
hierarchy of transportation channels, ranging from ten-lane freeways
to sidewalks. In the United States, the bulk of trips are carried by
the private automobile, with mass transit a distant second. American
cities display the low-density sprawl characteristic of auto-centered
urban development. In contrast, many European cities have the high
densities necessary to support rail transit. <p>
Modern cities rely on complex networks of utilities. When cities were
small, obtaining pure water and disposing of wastes was not a major
problem, but cities with large populations and high densities require
expensive public infrastructure. During the nineteenth century, rapid
urban growth and industrialization caused overcrowding, pollution, and
disease in urban areas. After the connection between impure water and
disease was established, American and European cities began to install
adequate sewer and water systems. Since the late nineteenth century,
cities have also been laced with wires and conduits carrying
electricity, gas, and communications signals.
<p>
<h3>Buildings</h3>
Buildings are the most visible elements of the city, the features that
give each city its unique character. Residential structures occupy
almost half of all urban land, with the building types ranging from
scattered single-family homes to dense high-rise apartments.
Commercial buildings are clustered downtown and at various subcenters,
with skyscrapers packed into the central business district and
low-rise structures prevailing elsewhere, although tall buildings are
becoming more common in the suburbs. Industrial buildings come in many
forms ranging from large factory complexes in industrial districts to
small workshops. <p>
City planners engage in a constant search for the proper arrangement
of these different types of land use, paying particular attention to
the compatibility of different activities, population densities,
traffic generation, economic efficiency, social relationships, and the
height and bulk of buildings.
<p>
<h3>Open Spaces</h3>
Open space is sometimes treated as a leftover, but it contributes
greatly to the quality of urban life. "Hard" spaces such as plazas,
malls, and courtyards provide settings for public activities of all
kinds. "Soft" spaces such as parks, gardens, lawns, and nature
preserves provide essential relief from harsh urban conditions and
serve as space for recreational activities. These "amenities"
increasingly influence which cities will be perceived as desirable
places to live. <p>
<h2>Evolution of Urban Form</h2>
The first true urban settlements appeared around 3,000 B.C. in ancient
Mesopotamia, Egypt, and the Indus Valley. Ancient cities displayed
both "organic" and "planned" types of urban form. These societies had
elaborate religious, political, and military hierarchies. Precincts
devoted to the activities of the elite were often highly planned and
regular in form. In contrast, residential areas often grew by a slow
process of accretion, producing complex, irregular patterns that we
term "organic." Two typical features of the ancient city are the wall
and the citadel: the wall for defense in regions periodically swept by
conquering armies, and the citadel -- a large, elevated precinct
within the city -- devoted to religious and state functions. <p>
Greek cities did not follow a single pattern. Cities growing slowly
from old villages often had an irregular, organic form, adapting
gradually to the accidents of topography and history. Colonial cities,
however, were planned prior to settlement using the grid system. The
grid is easy to lay out, easy to comprehend, and divides urban land
into uniform rectangular lots suitable for development.
<p>
The Romans engaged in extensive city-building activities as they
consolidated their empire. Rome itself displayed the informal
complexity created by centuries of organic growth, although particular
temple and public districts were highly planned. In contrast, the
Roman military and colonial towns were laid out in a variation of the
grid. Many European cities, like London and Paris, sprang from these
Roman origins.
<p>
We usually associate medieval cities with narrow winding streets
converging on a market square with a cathedral and city hall. Many
cities of this period display this pattern, the product of thousands
of incremental additions to the urban fabric. However, new towns
seeded throughout undeveloped regions of Europe were based upon the
familiar grid. In either case, large encircling walls were built for
defense against marauding armies; new walls enclosing more land were
built as the city expanded and outgrew its former container.
<p>
During the Renaissance, architects began to systematically study the
shaping of urban space, as though the city itself were a piece of
architecture that could be given an aesthetically pleasing and
functional order. Many of the great public spaces of Rome and other
Italian cities date from this era. Parts of old cities were rebuilt to
create elegant squares, long street vistas, and symmetrical building
arrangements. Responding to advances in firearms during the fifteenth
century, new city walls were designed with large earthworks to deflect
artillery, and star-shaped points to provide defenders with sweeping
lines of fire. Spanish colonial cities in the New World were built
according to rules codified in the Laws of the Indies of 1573,
specifying an orderly grid of streets with a central plaza, defensive
wall, and uniform building style.
<p>
We associate the baroque city with the emergence of great
nation-states between 1600 and 1750. Ambitious monarchs constructed
new palaces, courts, and bureaucratic offices. The grand scale was
sought in urban public spaces: long avenues, radial street networks,
monumental squares, geometric parks and gardens. Versailles is a clear
expression of this city-building model; Washington, D.C. is an example
from the United States. Baroque principles of urban design were used
by Baron Haussmann in his celebrated restructuring of Paris between
1853 and 1870. Haussmann carved broad new thoroughfares through the
tangled web of old Parisian streets, linking major subcenters of the
city with one another in a pattern which has served as a model for
many other modernization plans.
<p>
Toward the latter half of the eighteenth century, particularly in
America, the city as a setting for commerce assumed primacy. The
buildings of the bourgeoisie expand along with their owners'
prosperity: banks, office buildings, warehouses, hotels, and small
factories. New towns founded during this period were conceived as
commercial enterprises, and the neutral grid was the most effective
means to divide land up into parcels for sale. The city became a
checkerboard on which players speculated on shifting land values. No
longer would religious, political, and cultural imperatives shape
urban development; rather, the market would be allowed to determine
the pattern of urban growth. New York, Philadelphia, and Boston around
1920 exemplify the commercial city of this era, with their bustling,
mixed-use waterfront districts.
<p>
<h2>Transition to the Industrial City</h2>
Cities have changed more since the Industrial Revolution than in all
the previous centuries of their existence. New York had a population
of about 313,000 in 1840 but had reached 4,767,000 in 1910. Chicago
exploded from 4.000 to 2,185,000 during the same period. Millions of
rural dwellers no longer needed on farms flocked to the cities, where
new factories churned out products for the new markets made accessible
by railroads and steamships. In the United States, millions of
immigrants from Europe swelled the urban populations. Increasingly,
urban economies were being woven more rightly into the national and
international economies. <p>
Technological innovations poured forth, many with profound impacts on
urban form. Railroad tracks were driven into the heart of the city.
Internal rail transportation systems greatly expanded the radius of
urban settlement: horsecars beginning in the 1830s, cable cars in the
1870s, and electric trolleys in the 1880s. In the 1880s, the first
central power plants began providing electrical power to urban areas.
The rapid communication provided by the telegraph and the telephone
allowed formerly concentrated urban activities to disperse across a
wider field.
<p>
The industrial city still focused on the city center, which contained
both the central business district, defined by large office buildings,
and substantial numbers of factory and warehouse structures. Both
trolleys and railroad systems converged on the center of the city,
which boasted the premier entertainment and shopping establishments.
The working class lived in crowded districts close to the city center,
near their place of employment.
<p>
Early American factories were located outside of major cities along
rivers which provided water power for machinery. After steam power
became widely available in the 1930s, factories could be located
within the city in proximity to port facilities, rail lines, and the
urban labor force. Large manufacturing zones emerged within the major
northeastern and midwestern cities such as Pittsburgh, Detroit, and
Cleveland. But by the late nineteenth century, factory
decentralization had already begun, as manufacturers sought larger
parcels of land away from the congestion of the city. Gary, Indiana,
for example, was founded in 1906 on the southern shore of Lake
Michigan by the United States Steel Company.
<p>
The increasing crowding, pollution, and disease in the central city
produced a growing desire to escape to a healthier environment in the
suburbs. The upper classes had always been able to retreat to homes in
the countryside. Beginning in the 1830s, commuter railroads enabled
the upper middle class to commute in to the city center. Horsecar
lines were built in many cities between the 1830s and 1880s, allowing
the middle class to move out from the central cities into more
spacious suburbs. Finally, during the 1890s electric trolleys and
elevated rapid transit lines proliferated, providing cheap urban
transportation for the majority of the population.
<p>
The central business district of the city underwent a radical
transformation with the development of the skyscraper between 1870 and
1900. These tall buildings were not technically feasible until the
invention of the elevator and steel-frame construction methods.
Skyscrapers reflect the dynamics of the real estate market; the tall
building extracts the maximum economic value from a limited parcel of
land. These office buildings housed the growing numbers of
white-collar employees in banking, finance, management, and business
services, all manifestations of the shift from an economy of small
firms to one of large corporations.
<p>
<h3>The Form of the Modern City
in the Age of the Automobile</h3>
The city of today may be divided into two parts: <p>
<ul>
<li>An inner zone, coextensive with the boundaries of the old industrial city.
<li>Suburban areas, dating from the 1920s, which have been designed for the automobile from the beginning.
</ul>
The central business districts of American cities have become centers
of information processing, finance, and administration rather than
manufacturing. White-collar employees in these economic sectors
commute in from the suburbs on a network of urban freeways built
during the 1950s and 1960s; this "hub-and-wheel" freeway pattern can
be observed on many city maps. New bridges have spanned rivers and
bays, as in New York and San Francisco, linking together formerly
separate cities into vast urbanized regions. <p>
Waves of demolition and rebuilding have produced "Manhattanized"
downtowns across the land. During the 1950s and 1960s, urban renewal
programs cleared away large areas of the old city, releasing the land
for new office buildings, convention centers, hotels, and sports
complexes. Building surges have converted the downtowns of American
cities into forests of tall office buildings. More recently, office
functions not requiring a downtown location have been moved to huge
office parks in the suburbs.
<p>
Surrounding the central business area lies a large band of old
mixed-use and residential buildings which hose the urban poor. High
crime, low income, deteriorating services, inadequate housing, and
intractable social problems plague these neglected areas of urban
America. The manufacturing jobs formerly available to inner city
residents are no longer there, and resources have not been committed
to replace them.
<p>
These inner city areas have been left behind by a massive migration to
the suburbs, which began in the late nineteenth century but
accelerated in the 1920s with the spread of the automobile. Freeway
building after World War II opened up even larger areas of suburban
land, which were quickly filled by people fleeing central city
decline. Today, more people live in suburbs than in cities proper.
Manufacturers have also moved their production facilities to suburban
locations which have freeway and rail accessibility.
<p>
Indeed, we have reached a new stage of urbanization beyond the
metropolis. Most major cities are no longer focused exclusively on the
traditional downtown. New subcenters have arisen round the periphery,
and these subcenters supply most of the daily needs of their adjacent
populations. The old metropolis has become a multi-centered urban
region. In turn, many of these urban regions have expanded to the
point where they have coalesced into vast belts of urbanization --
what the geographer Jean Gottman termed "megalopolis." The prime
example is the eastern seaboard of the United States from Boston to
Washington. The planner C.A. Doxiadis has speculated that similar vast
corridors of urbanization will appear throughout the world during the
next century. Thus far, American planners have not had much success in
imposing a rational form on this process. However, New Town and
greenbelt programs in Britain and the Scandinavian countries have, to
some extent, prevented formless sprawl from engulfing the countryside.
<p>
<h3>The Economics of Urban Areas</h3>
Since the 1950s, city planners have increasingly paid attention to the
economics of urban areas. When many American cities experienced fiscal
crises during the 1970s, urban financial management assumed even
greater importance. Today, planners routinely assess the economic
consequences of all major changes in the form of the city. <p>
Several basic concepts underlie urban and regional economic analysis.
First, cities cannot grow if their residents simply provide services
for one another. The city must create products which can be sold to an
external purchaser, bringing in money which can be reinvested in new
production facilities and raw materials. This "economic base" of
production for external markets is crucial. Without it, the economic
engine of the city grinds to a halt.
<p>
Once the economic base is established, an elaborate internal market
can evolve. This market includes the production of goods and services
for businesses and residents within the city. Obviously, a large part
of the city's physical plant is devoted to facilities for internal
transactions: retail stores of all kinds, restaurants, local
professional services, and so on.
<p>
Modern cities are increasingly engaged in competition for economic
resources such as industrial plants, corporate headquarters,
high-technology firms, and government facilities. Cities try to lure
investment with an array of features: low tax rates, improved
transportation and utility infrastructure, cheap land, and skilled
labor force. Amenities such as climate, proximity to recreation,
parks, elegant architecture, and cultural activities influence the
location decisions of businesses and individuals. Many older cities
have difficulty surviving in this new economic game. Abandoned by
traditional industries, they're now trying to create a new economic
base involving growth sectors such as high technology.
<p>
Today, cities no longer compete in mere regional or national markets:
the market is an international one. Multinational firms close plants
in Chicago or Detroit and build replacements in Asia or Latin America.
Foreign products dominate whole sectors of the American consumer goods
market. Huge sums of money shift around the globe in instantaneous
electronic transactions. Cities must struggle for survival in a
volatile environment in which the rules are always changing. This
makes city planning even more challenging than before.
<p>
<h2>Modern City Planning</h2>
Modern city planning can be divided into two distinct but related
types of planning. visionary city planning proposes radical changes in
the form of the city, often in conjunction with sweeping changes in
the social and economic order. Institutionalized city planning is
lodged within the existing structures of government, and modifies
urban growth processes in moderate, pragmatic ways. It is constrained
by the prevailing alignment of political and economic forces within
the city. <p>
<h3>Visionary or Utopian City Planning</h3>
People have imagined ideal cities for millennia. Plato's Republic was
an ideal city, although lacking in the spatial detail of later
schemes. Renaissance architects designed numerous geometric cities,
and ever since architects have been the chief source of imaginative
urban proposals. In the twentieth century, Le Corbusier, Frank Lloyd
Wright, Paolo Soleri, and dozens of other architects have designed
cities on paper. Although few have been realized in pure form, they
have influenced the layout of many new towns and urban redevelopment
projects. <p>
In his "Contemporary City for Three Million People" of 1922 and
"Radiant City" of 1935, Le Corbusier advocated a high-density urban
alternative, with skyscraper office buildings and mid-rise apartments
placed within park-like open spaces. Different land uses were located
in separate districts, forming a rigid geometric pattern with a
sophisticated system of superhighways and rail transit.
<p>
Frank Lloyd Wright envisioned a decentralized low-density city in
keeping with his distaste for large cities and belief in frontier
individualism. The Broadacre City plan of 1935 is a large grid of
arterials spread across the countryside, with most of the internal
space devoted to single-family homes on large lots. Areas are also
carefully set aside for small farms, light industry, orchards,
recreation areas, and other urban facilities. A network of
superhighways knits the region together, so spatially dispersed
facilities are actually very close in terms of travel time. In many
ways, Wright's Broadacre City resembles American suburban and exurban
developments of the post-WWII period.
<p>
Many other utopian plans could be catalogued, but the point is that
planners and architects have generated a complex array of urban
patterns from which to draw ideas and inspiration. Most city planners,
however, do not work on a blank canvas; they can only make incremental
changes to an urban scene already shaped by a complicated historical
process.
<p>
<h3>Institutionalized City Planning</h3>
The form of the city is determined primarily by thousands of private
decisions to construct buildings, within a framework of public
infrastructure and regulations administered by the city, state, and
federal governments. City planning actions can have enormous impacts
on land values. From the point of view of land economics, the city is
an enormous playing field on which thousands of competitors struggle
to capture value by constructing or trading land and buildings. The
goal of city planning is to intervene in this game in order to protect
widely shared public values such as health, safety, environmental
quality, social equality, and aesthetics. <p>
The roots of American city planning lie in an array of reform efforts
of the late nineteenth century: the Parks movement, the City Beautiful
movement, campaigns for housing regulations, the Progressive movement
for government reform, and efforts to improve public health through
the provision of sanitary sewers and clean water supplies. The First
National Conference on City Planning occurred in 1909, the same year
as Daniel Burnham's famous Plan of Chicago. That date may be used to
mark the inauguration of the new profession. The early city planners
actually came from diverse backgrounds such as architecture, landscape
architecture, engineering, and law, but they shared a common desire to
produce a more orderly urban pattern.
<p>
The zoning of land became, and still is, the most potent instrument
available to American city planners for controlling urban development.
Zoning is basically the dividing of the city into discrete areas
within which only certain land uses and types of buildings can be
constructed. The rationale is that certain activities of building
types don't mix well; factories and homes, for example. Illogical
mixtures create nuisances for the parties involved and lower land
values. After several decades of gradual development, land-use zoning
received legal approval from the Supreme Court in 1926.
<p>
Zoning isn't the same as planning: it is a legal tool for the
implementation of plans. Zoning should be closely integrated with a
Master Plan or Comprehensive Plan that spells out a logical path for
the city's future in areas such as land use, transportation, parks and
recreation, environmental quality, and public works construction. In
the early days of zoning this was often neglected, but this lack of
coordination between zoning and planning is less common now.
<p>
The other important elements of existing city planning are subdivision
regulations and environmental regulations. Subdivision regulations
require that land being subdivided for development be provided with
adequate street, sewers, water, schools, utilities, and various design
features. The goal is to prevent shabby, deficient developments that
produce headaches for both their residents and the city. Since the
late 1960s, environmental regulations have exerted a stronger
influence on patterns of urban growth by restricting development in
floodplains, on unstable slopes, on earthquake faults, or near
sensitive natural areas. Businesses have been forced to reduce smoke
emissions and the disposal of wastes has been more closely monitored.
Overall, the pace of environmental degradation has been slowed, but
certainly not stopped, and a dismaying backlog of environmental
hazards remains to be cleaned up. City planners have plenty of work to
do as we move into the twenty-first century.
<p>
<h2>Conclusion: Good City Form</h2>
What is the good city? We are unlikely to arrive at an unequivocal
answer; the diversity of human needs and tastes frustrates all
attempts to provide recipes or instruction manuals for the building of
cities. However, we can identify the crucial dimensions of city
performance, and specify the many ways in which cities can achieve
success along these dimensions. <p>
A most useful guide in this enterprise is Kevin Lynch's A Theory of
Good City Form (Cambridge, MA, MIT Press, 1981). Lynch offers five
basic dimensions of city performance: vitality, sense, fit, access,
and control. To these he adds two "meta-criteria," efficiency and
justice.
<p>
For Lynch, a vital city successfully fulfils the biological needs of
its inhabitants, and provides a safe environment for their activities.
A sensible city is organized so that its residents can perceive and
understand the city's form and function. A city with good fit provides
the buildings, spaces, and networks required for its residents to
pursue their projects successfully. An accessible city allows people
of all ages and background to gain the activities, resources,
services, and information that they need. A city with good control is
arranged so that its citizens have a say in the management of the
spaces in which they work and reside.
<p>
Finally, an efficient city achieves the goals listed above at the
least cost, and balances the achievement of the goals with one
another. They cannot all be maximized at the same time. And a just
city distributes benefits among its citizens according to some fair
standard. Clearly, these two meta-criteria raise difficult issues
which will continue to spark debates for the foreseeable future.
<p>
These criteria tell aspiring city builders where to aim, while
acknowledging the diverse ways of achieving good city form. Cities are
endlessly fascinating because each is unique, the product of decades,
centuries, or even millennia of historical evolution. As we walk
through city streets, we walk through time, encountering the
city-building legacy of past generations. Paris, Venice, Rome, New
York, Chicago, San Francisco -- each has its glories and its failures.
In theory, we should be able to learn the lessons of history and build
cities that our descendants will admire and wish to preserve. That
remains a constant challenge for all those who undertake the task of
city planning.
<p>
<p>
<hr>
<p>
<h2>Micropolis, Unix Version.</h2>
This game was released for the Unix platform
in or about 1990 and has been modified for inclusion in the One Laptop
Per Child program. Copyright &copy; 1989 - 2007 Electronic Arts Inc. If
you need assistance with this program, you may contact:
<a href="http://wiki.laptop.org/go/Micropolis">http://wiki.laptop.org/go/Micropolis</a> or email <a
href="mailto:micropolis@laptop.org">micropolis@laptop.org</a>.
</p>
<p>
This program is free software: you can redistribute it and/or modify
it under the terms of the GNU General Public License as published by
the Free Software Foundation, either version 3 of the License, or (at
your option) any later version.
</p>
<p>
This program is distributed in the hope that it will be useful, but
WITHOUT ANY WARRANTY; without even the implied warranty of
MERCHANTABILITY or FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE. See the GNU
General Public License for more details. You should have received a
copy of the GNU General Public License along with this program. If
not, see <a href="http://www.gnu.org/licenses/">http://www.gnu.org/licenses/</a>.
</p>
<p>
<h3 align="center">ADDITIONAL TERMS per GNU GPL Section 7</h3>
</p>
<p>
No trademark or publicity rights are granted. This license does NOT
give you any right, title or interest in the trademark SimCity or any
other Electronic Arts trademark. You may not distribute any
modification of this program using the trademark SimCity or claim any
affliation or association with Electronic Arts Inc. or its employees.
</p>
<p>
Any propagation or conveyance of this program must include this
copyright notice and these terms.
</p>
<p>
If you convey this program (or any modifications of it) and assume
contractual liability for the program to recipients of it, you agree
to indemnify Electronic Arts for any liability that those contractual
assumptions impose on Electronic Arts.
</p>
<p>
You may not misrepresent the origins of this program; modified
versions of the program must be marked as such and not identified as
the original program.
</p>
<p>
This disclaimer supplements the one included in the General Public
License. <b>TO THE FULLEST EXTENT PERMISSIBLE UNDER APPLICABLE LAW, THIS
PROGRAM IS PROVIDED TO YOU "AS IS," WITH ALL FAULTS, WITHOUT WARRANTY
OF ANY KIND, AND YOUR USE IS AT YOUR SOLE RISK. THE ENTIRE RISK OF
SATISFACTORY QUALITY AND PERFORMANCE RESIDES WITH YOU. ELECTRONIC ARTS
DISCLAIMS ANY AND ALL EXPRESS, IMPLIED OR STATUTORY WARRANTIES,
INCLUDING IMPLIED WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY, SATISFACTORY QUALITY,
FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE, NONINFRINGEMENT OF THIRD PARTY
RIGHTS, AND WARRANTIES (IF ANY) ARISING FROM A COURSE OF DEALING,
USAGE, OR TRADE PRACTICE. ELECTRONIC ARTS DOES NOT WARRANT AGAINST
INTERFERENCE WITH YOUR ENJOYMENT OF THE PROGRAM; THAT THE PROGRAM WILL
MEET YOUR REQUIREMENTS; THAT OPERATION OF THE PROGRAM WILL BE
UNINTERRUPTED OR ERROR-FREE, OR THAT THE PROGRAM WILL BE COMPATIBLE
WITH THIRD PARTY SOFTWARE OR THAT ANY ERRORS IN THE PROGRAM WILL BE
CORRECTED. NO ORAL OR WRITTEN ADVICE PROVIDED BY ELECTRONIC ARTS OR
ANY AUTHORIZED REPRESENTATIVE SHALL CREATE A WARRANTY. SOME
JURISDICTIONS DO NOT ALLOW THE EXCLUSION OF OR LIMITATIONS ON IMPLIED
WARRANTIES OR THE LIMITATIONS ON THE APPLICABLE STATUTORY RIGHTS OF A
CONSUMER, SO SOME OR ALL OF THE ABOVE EXCLUSIONS AND LIMITATIONS MAY
NOT APPLY TO YOU.</b>
</p>
</body>
</html>
Reference in a new issue Copy permalink